One of the more surreal episodes in
Scottish political life occurred seven or eight years ago when Motherwell was nominated
for the annual ‘Carbuncle’ prize. The architecture magazine Urban
Realm (formerly known as Prospect) gives out this award with a view to
encouraging discussion and debate about the quality of development in
Scotland's towns and cities. Their editorial line is that "the truly depressing places are the ones
which could be great, but are stifled by a lack of imagination, creativity and
passion. The towns shortlisted … must have real potential, which local leaders
for one reason or another are failing to exploit."
The leader of the Scottish Labour
party at the time, Jack McConnell, thought that it was a disgrace that Motherwell
town centre had been allowed to get into such a state. He described it as ‘dirty’
and ‘untidy’ and criticised other towns for failing to show enough civic pride.
He said that Scotland had a problem with “small provincial towns like Motherwell,
Wishaw, Paisley, Alloa, Cumbernauld and Dunfermline” and argued that the
neglect of these town centres symbolised “something in the public realm that has
a lack of commitment to quality of life.”
It was hard to disagree with such
noble sentiments.
But this was Jack McConnell
speaking, the Labour leader and a North Lanarkshire MSP. That's North
Lanarkshire, the region that had been run by Labour since dinosaurs roamed the
earth, the place where a blow-up doll in a red rosette would command a good majority
in any of the constituencies. You couldn’t help but feel that perhaps Jack was
suffering from a touch of the old cognitive dissonance. He thought that our
town centres (generally run by Labour) were disgraceful, but went on to cite
the “Tory economic decline of the 1980s” as a major factor. Of course … it was all Thatcher’s fault.
It was no real surprise that he could
so nonchalantly absent his cronies from anything approaching ‘blame’. For more
than half a century, the Labour Party in Scotland operated like the Cosa Nostra,
but without the glamour, the violence or the intellectual depth. Mired in
class-warrior dogma that was at least a generation past its sell-by date, the ‘natural’
party of government in Scotland could coast along in what was, effectively, a one-party
state. When bad
stuff happened it was never their fault, because those perfidious Tories in
Westminster were always to blame and -as long as enough of the electorate fell
for that line- everything was more or less peachy for Labour; it could take a pliant
electorate for granted, happy to peddle the myth of Scottish exceptionalism.
Scots vote Labour, so the argument went, because we have a more developed sense
of social responsibility. That may have made some folk feel good about
themselves, but it was -and still is- utter tripe.
Voting
habits are always influenced by a variety of factors. Under the
last Labour administration, there were parts of Scotland where the public
sector accounted for more than 70% of all economic activity. You don’t have to
be a genius to work out that if a large chunk of the electorate is -either
directly or indirectly- on the government payroll, then a greater proportion of
that electorate will invariably vote for the party that advocates a bigger
government payroll. Nor do you need a degree in economics to understand that
the continuation of government largesse, on those non-wealth generating
percentages, is not merely unsustainable; somewhere down the track and around
the bend, it’s going to be a train wreck for which your kids and grandkids will
be picking up the tab.
To get an understanding of just how successful the long Gramscian march through the
Scottish institutions was, all you have to do is watch a TV debate, listen to a
radio phone-in or loiter for a while on the social networks. You’ll soon notice
that our overwhelming political orthodoxy is both statist and leftist. For a
large section of the public, anything that involves spending money on ‘public
services’ is unequivocally good, while anything that involves spending rather
less of that money is not just bad; it’s disgracefully immoral.
A couple of years ago, the right to buy council houses, as introduced by the Conservative
government in 1979, was described by The Herald columnist Ian Bell as an ‘atrocity’.
Some of you may think that ‘atrocity’ is a word you’d use to describe fifty
people being blown up in a Baghdad marketplace, or perhaps a group of fanatics
indulging in a bit of ethnic cleansing, but no. According to this respected
columnist, it was an ‘atrocity’ that working class people had been allowed to
buy their own homes. Bell articulated the disdain of the patrician, authoritarian left: How dare these folk
get so uppity as to want to buy their own home? Where was their sense of class
solidarity?
But if you say something often enough, some people will start believing you. In 2015, when someone talks about enterprise, self-reliance or public spending restraint in the land of Adam Smith’s birth, it sounds to great chunks of the electorate like white noise. It’s not that these arguments are being lost; rather, they hardly ever get made, because that language no longer makes sense to people who appear to believe that politicians have the option of ‘abolishing’ austerity, as if there was a secret switch in an oak-panelled room somewhere in Westminster or Holyrood:
Press button 1 to abolish austerity.
Press button 2 to abolish the deficit.
Press button 3 to abolish the national debt.
Maybe there's a button for the
weather, too.
If the opinion
polls are correct, Labour will get a thrashing in Scotland at this election.
It’s hard to feel sympathy for a party that has been quite so complacent, quite
so content to showboat its spurious sense of moral superiority, quite so
unwilling to accept the fact that it is economic
activity that lifts people out of poverty, not government programmes. Another
party may be wearing their clothes now, but that unflagging commitment to the ‘tax
and spend’ expansion of the state still makes perfect sense to those who would consider
economic literacy to be an over-rated concept.
Yet even as the SNP pull the
collectivist rug from under their feet, those high priests of profligacy,
Miliband and Balls, are hamstrung by the knowledge that, to have any hope of winning
at Westminster, they must concede that our national debt and deficit have to be
addressed at some point. But they are discovering that this won’t wash with an
electorate weaned on five decades of an unending statist narrative. The people want an
end to austerity, so someone must promise to push that magic button.
And now the monster that Labour helped create is preparing to tear down a once-impregnable fortress. As they survey the auguries of electoral Armaggedon, I wonder if any of those Labour apparatchiks, purveyors of the old tribalist dogma, might have cause to recall the words of WB Yeats:
And what rough beast, its hour come round at last,
Slouches towards Bethlehem to be born?